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Frederick Jackson Turner - Wikipedia

[N]othing has appeared that qualifies as a general theory of revolution. Furthermore, among theorists there has been little progressive accumulation of ideas. The general theory of revolution remains subject to confusion, doubt, and disagreement. Even elementary questions of definition, terminology, and delimitation of the field to be explained are not settled.

Houston Community College | Pearson Learning Solutions

Wood, Creation,72. Wood comments further: "By the middle of the eighteenth century thepeculiarities of social development in the New World had created anextraordinary society, remarkably equal yet simultaneously unequal, asociety so contradictory in its nature that it left contemporariespuzzled and later historians divided. [Wood cites, for example, JacksonTurner Main, The Social Structure of Revolutionary America; and Robert E. and B. Katherine Brown, Virginia, 1705–1786; Democracy or Aristocracy?It was, as many observers noted, a society strangely in conflict withitself. On one hand, social distinctions and symbols of status werehighly respected and intensely coveted, indeed, said one witness, evenmore greedily than by the English themselves. Americans, it seemed,were in 'one continued Race: in which everyone is endeavoring todistance all behind him; and to overtake or pass by, all before him.'Yet, on the other hand, Americans found all these displays ofsuperiority of status particularly detestable, in fact 'more odiousthan in any other country.'" Had Wood studied comparativecivilizations, he would not have found this such an "extraordinary"phenomenon. It is characteristic of the expansionistic phase of anycivilization, especially with respect to frontier areas.

Computing & Communications | Lancaster University

See, for example, David V.I. Bell and Allan E. Goodman, "Vietnam and the American Revolution," Yale Review61 (Fall 1971): 26–34; Roy K. Flint, "The Web of Victory: RevolutionaryWarfare in Eighteenth Century America, (West Point: mimeograph, 1976);and the following by John Shy: "The American Revolution: The MilitaryConflict Considered as a Revolutionary War," in Kurtz and Hutson, Essays, 121–156, also reprinted in Shy's A People Numerous and Armed: Reflections on the Military Struggle for American Independence, in which several essays reflect the influence of Vietnam; Shy, "The American Revolution Today," in Stanley J. Unterdal, ed., Military History of the American Revolution, 18–32, especially 21; and Shy, "Charles Lee: The Soldier as Radical," in George Athan Billias, George Washington's Generals, 22–53.

See, for example, Lawrence H. Gipson, Jared Ingersoll; Alan Rogers, Empire and Liberty: American Resistance to British Authority, 1755–1763; Schlesinger, The Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution, 1763–1776; and Jensen, Founding.

Philip Bosco, Actor: The First Wives Club

See, for example, Carroll Quigley, The Evolution of Civilizations; and, on China, Mark Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Post: A Social and Economic Interpretation.

See, for example, Trenchard and Gordon's essay, "Of the Equality andInequality of Men," written in 1721, and reprinted in Jacobson, Heritage, 101–106.

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Encyclopedia of Religion and Society

New England, staunchly Patriot—94 percent in Connecticut, forexample—was the sanctuary of American forces. From this source suppliesand troops flowed, on an irregular basis to be sure, to the Americanarmy. In a fine account Page Smith has explained why Washington's armyvaried so greatly in size, sometimes from one week to the next, as menwent back to farm. Every fall these farmers went back to plant, but in the spring, year after year, they returned to fight again.

Benjamin Franklin's American Religion: A Conversation …

Beginning with a mentality of equality, a few Americans did not stopwith an ideology of republicanism, but carried the analysis a stepfurther, toward a world view of empire. Even young John Adams, who wasless drawn toward empire than some other leaders and could write aboutits contradictions in the 1775 Novanglus letters, was capable of such an imperial vision.The most immediate example of the focus of this kind of world view wasCanada. Can it be accidental that in 1775, with the British armybottled up in Boston, the American leadership took the opportunity tolaunch a nearly successful, and then ultimately disastrous, attack onCanada? Assuming the Americans thought the Canadians wanted liberation,which soon appeared an illusion, how can we explain the continuedappeal of a Canadian expedition except in terms of empire? As the wardrew to a close, Washington and others were still envisioning such acampaign, despite their scant resources. The dreams of empire died hard.

West Point Association of Graduates

The question of how the Americans won the Revolution has for themost part been treated essentially as a military problem usually interms of conventional armies confronting each other in a series of setbattles and campaigns. Some theorists on guerrilla warfare such asLewis H. Gann, Guerrillas in History, for example, have seen the American Revolution as of little relevance to understanding that mode of warfare:

West Point AOG - Grad News Blog, West Point Graduates in the news

Equality, as noted, had been a conspicuous thrust of the Whig tradition. In 1721, for example, in Cato's Lettersnumber 45, "Of the Equality and Inequality of Men," Trenchard andGordon had noted, "It is evident to common Sense, that there ought tobe no Inequality in Society,…" Paine raised the same equalitarianconcern in the quotation he chose for the cover of his own pamphlet:"Man knows no Master save creaking Heaven, Or those whom choice andcommon good ordain."

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