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Our 26th and 40th presidents have long been absent from the nationalscene, but they retain a lively (if that’s the right word) interest incurrent affairs. Their biographer, Edmund Morris, interviewed themrecently on the subject of Donald Trump and found them willing to forgothe usual discretion of comment that obtains between former commandersin chief. The discussion took place in Mr. Morris’s study, where bothmen have long been a ghostly presence. Their words, includingexpletives, are reproduced verbatim from cards kept on file in thisrepository. The questions are Mr. Morris’s.
The real question for the future, however, is the degree to which Soviet elites have assimilated the consciousness of the universal homogenous state that is post-Hitler Europe. From their writings and from my own personal contacts with them, there is no question in my mind that the liberal Soviet intelligentsia rallying around Gorbachev have arrived at the end-of-history view in a remarkably short time, due in no small measure to the contacts they have had since the Brezhnev era with the larger European civilization around them. "New political thinking," the general rubric for their views, describes a world dominated by economic concerns, in which there are no ideological grounds for major conflict between nations, and in which, consequently, the use of military force becomes less legitimate. As Foreign Minister Shevardnadze put it in mid-1988:
Six scholars of the presidency—A
For better or worse, much of Hegel's historicism has become part of our contemporary intellectual baggage. The notion that mankind has progressed through a series of primitive stages of consciousness on his path to the present, and that these stages corresponded to concrete forms of social organization, such as tribal, slave-owning, theocratic, and finally democratic-egalitarian societies, has become inseparable from the modern understanding of man. Hegel was the first philosopher to speak the language of modern social science, insofar as man for him was the product of his concrete historical and social environment and not, as earlier natural right theorists would have it, a collection of more or less fixed "natural" attributes. The mastery and transformation of man's natural environment through the application of science and technology was originally not a Marxist concept, but a Hegelian one. Unlike later historicists whose historical relativism degenerated into relativism tout court, however, Hegel believed that history culminated in an absolute moment - a moment in which a final, rational form of society and state became victorious.
Kojève sought to resurrect the Hegel of the , the Hegel who proclaimed history to be at an end in 1806. For as early as this Hegel saw in Napoleon's defeat of the Prussian monarchy at the Battle of Jena the victory of the ideals of the French Revolution, and the imminent universalization of the state incorporating the principles of liberty and equality. Kojève, far from rejecting Hegel in light of the turbulent events of the next century and a half, insisted that the latter had been essentially correct. The Battle of Jena marked the end of history because it was at that point that the of humanity (a term quite familiar to Marxists) actualized the principles of the French Revolution. While there was considerable work to be done after 1806 - abolishing slavery and the slave trade, extending the franchise to workers, women, blacks, and other racial minorities, etc. - the basic principles of the liberal democratic state could not be improved upon. The two world wars in this century and their attendant revolutions and upheavals simply had the effect of extending those principles spatially, such that the various provinces of human civilization were brought up to the level of its most advanced outposts, and of forcing those societies in Europe and North America at the vanguard of civilization to implement their liberalism more fully.
About the Thesis Whisperer | The Thesis Whisperer
When it comes to dismissing science as false or the news as fake, whenit comes to torching history, America has not traditionally led theworld. (Who was it who said, “The truth is the greatest enemy of thestate”? Ah, yes: Goebbels.) When it comes to persecution complexes andconspiracy theories, however, our current president taps into a rich,rancid homegrown tradition. To borrow his phrasing, a lot of people havebeen saying that bad things were happening out there since beforeAmerica was even America. The Puritans’ howling wilderness included ashadowy fever swamp from the start.
Unfortunately, just about everything in terms of American and globalhistory seems new to Trump. From his confounding man crush on VladimirPutin to his nuclear saber-rattling with North Korea, Trump has createdmore fear than hope—and hope is an essential element of presidential leadership. He comes to theoffice warped by self-absorption, conceit, and a narcissistic certitudethat he is always right while the rest of the world, unless it is busyflattering him, is wrong, even hostile. Without historical context,without humility, without empathy, he’s what the author of the book ofProverbs had in mind when he warned that pride goeth before a fall.
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21.09.2016 · How to Write a Good Thesis
In 1964, the liberal historian Richard Hofstadter observed not only thatthe conspiracist assumes the qualities of those he derides but that theenemy becomes in many ways a projection of himself. Nothing could bemore true today for a commander in chief who has made a career ofaverting creditors, unsubstantiated claims, and the truth. Emittingclouds of squid ink all around, he sees only scammers, hoaxers, fakers,liars, frauds, obstructionists, and conspiracy theorists. In each casethe road leads inexorably back to him. The alleged Comey tapes mutateinto Oval Office wiretaps. A reliable network issues fake news. SuddenlyTrump is the hunted and Obama the Russian colluder. To address a clearcase of campaign tampering he offers a phony Presidential AdvisoryCommission on Election Integrity. In the president’s perverse staging hegets to have it both ways. He is our invincible leader. He is at thesame time our victim in chief.
Project Categories | National History Day | NHD
Presidents don’t need to be professors, but experience tells us thatreading the odd book or two (or even three—a man can hope) can make asignificant difference in the Oval Office. Thucydides said he wrote hishistories for “those who want to understand clearly the events whichhappened in the past and which (human nature being what it is) will atsome time or other and in much the same ways be repeated in thefuture.” If the Greek historian was right—and he usuallywas—Trump’s historical illiteracy may wind up being as costly as JohnF. Kennedy’s grasp of the past was beneficial.
The End of History? - Francis Fukuyama
As interviews go, it wasn’t exactly a model of clarity. In May 2016, onassignment for Time, I called on the putative Republican presidentialnominee at Trump Tower to talk about presidential literacy—the coreknowledge, including a sense of the history of the office itself, thatour greatest presidents have brought to the highest levels. Trump’smind, however, was fixated on the present and on himself, chiefly pollsand the number of Republican rivals he’d knocked off.
Black Chicago Renaissance - Chicago History Fair
We started our research using historical databases to find newspaper articles from the time which referenced Harriet Beecher Stowe and Uncle Tom’s Cabin as the serialized novel was being released, finding dramatically different reactions in Northern and Southern newspapers. We then discovered the Harriet Beecher Stowe Center and other valuable
repositories of historical documents and references. We also took out the novel as well as some very useful secondary sources from our public library. In our APUSH classes we watched an informative film about the racist portrayals of blacks in the late 1800s in media, which led us to explore the broader social impact of Uncle Tom’s Cabin as part of our exhibit.
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