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Christian Trautz Facebook, Twitter & MySpace on PeekYou
These new actors in the information environment create particularproblems with respect to privacy norms. For example, since it is theability to access information freely shared by others that makes SNSuniquely attractive and useful, and given that users often minimize orfail to fully understand the implications of sharing information onSNS, we may find that contrary to traditional views of informationprivacy, giving users greater control over theirinformation-sharing practices may actually lead to decreasedprivacy for themselves or others. Moreover, in the shift from (earlyWeb 2.0) user-created and maintained sites and networks to (late Web2.0) proprietary social networks, many users have yet to fully processthe potential for conflict between their personal motivations for usingSNS and the profit-driven motivations of the corporations that possesstheir data (Baym 2011). Jared Lanier frames the point cynically when hestates that: “The only hope for social networking sites from abusiness point of view is for a magic formula to appear in which somemethod of violating privacy and dignity becomes acceptable”(Lanier 2010).
Self-disclosure--the communication of information about oneself to another--is fundamental to the construction of a personal online presence. In many online venues (e.g., MySpace, Facebook) users self-disclose themselves into being. This study examined who said what about themselves on MySpace and how consistently they did so in comparison to their offline disclosures. The study assessed overall self-disclosure and religious self-disclosure because little is known about how individuals communicate about religion with their peers. Public, active MySpace profiles (N = 573) belonging to emerging adults (18-23 years old) in a nationally representative U.S. sample were examined. Each online self-disclosure was coded into a content category (e.g., media preferences, relationships, religion/spirituality, etc.). Self-disclosure was assessed on four dimensions (quantity, breadth, depth, consistency). The online data were then analyzed in relation to the profile owners' survey responses. Overall, profile owners self-disclosed broadly and consistently, but superficially. The average profile contained 109 self-disclosures; some contained as many as 800. Self-disclosures about media preferences were most frequent; current events were least frequent. Women self-disclosed more, and with more depth than men. Risk-takers self-disclosed in more depth than non-risk-takers. Being satisfied with life was associated negatively with frequency and positively with consistency of self-disclosure. Young people who scored high on purpose in life self-disclosed more, but were less consistent between their online and survey disclosures. Looking specifically at religion, a majority (70%) of the profiles contained at least one religious self-disclosure, although most profile owners did not communicate about their religious or spiritual identities beyond the predetermined affiliation labels of the Religion field (e.g., Christian-other, Catholic). Religiosity was associated with more and with consistent religious self-disclosure. Having religious friends was associated with more and deeper religious self-disclosure. Religious individuals who believed that religion was a private matter, or who held negative perceptions of organized religion or religious people, self-disclosed less about religion. In sum, young people tend to present themselves online as well-rounded, although they tend not to engage in deep self-disclosures. Nondisclosure is more common than inconsistent disclosure. Individual differences and attitudes predict how extensively, broadly, deeply, and consistently young people self-disclose online.
College Essays: EXAMPLES of strong thesis statements …
While scholarship in the social and natural sciences has tended tofocus on the impact of SNS on psychosocial markers ofhappiness/well-being, psychosocial adjustment, social capital, orfeelings of life satisfaction, philosophical concerns about socialnetworking and ethics have generally centered on topics less amenableto empirical measurement (e.g., privacy, identity, friendship, thegood life and democratic freedom). More so than ‘socialcapital’ or feelings of ‘life satisfaction,’ thesetopics are closely tied to traditional concerns of ethical theory(e.g., virtues, rights, duties, motivations and consequences). Thesetopics are also tightly linked to the novel features and distinctivefunctionalities of SNS, more so than some other issues of interest incomputer and information ethics that relate to more general Internetfunctionalities (for example, issues of copyright and intellectualproperty).
Critics assert that the ethical force of Borgmann’s analysissuffers from his lack of attention to the substantive differencesbetween particular social networking technologies and their variedcontexts of use, as well as the different motivations and patterns ofactivity displayed by individual users in those contexts. For example,Borgmann is charged with ignoring the fact that physical reality doesnot always enable or facilitate connection, nor does it do so equallyfor all persons. As a consequence, Andrew Feenberg (1999) claims thatBorgmann has missed the way in which online social networks mightsupply sites of democratic resistance for those who are physically orpolitically disempowered by many ‘real-world’ networks.
Connect me to Facebook friends and artists on Myspace
Among the first websites to employ the new standards explicitly forgeneral social networking purposes were Orkut, MySpace, LinkedIn,Friendster, Bebo, Habbo and Facebook. More recent and specific trendsin online social networking include the rise of sites dedicated tomedia sharing (YouTube, Flickr, Instagram, Vine), microblogging (Tumblr, Twitter),location-based networking (Foursquare, Loopt, Yelp, YikYak)and interest-sharing (Pinterest).
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