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The Transformative Impact of World War II — EGO

Ferguson, you may note, wrote a splashy Newsweek cover making the case against Barack Obama that was with falsehoods and intellectual sleights of hand. The Newsweek episode was interesting in that it highlighted Ferguson’s place in the political culture — a debonair, erudite, witty buffoon expounding a moral worldview with deep attraction to business elites. Ferguson views debt as a moral issue, and thus despises Keynes, and Obama, for treating it as a macroeconomic tool rather than a symbol of virtue. There is always a place for superstition-riddled fulminations against immoral debt. But there isn’t much of a place anymore for such fulminations served with a side of gay-bashing. (Or, at least, that place is grubbier and less renumerative than the cushy gigs Ferguson has grown accustomed to enjoying.) The task for Ferguson going forward will be to suture off the latter while clinging to theformer.

Positivity from Adolf Hitler About the Outbreak of World War 1

He has written 16 books, often with accompanying TV series. He wrote his first book in 1995 - 'Paper and Iron: Hamburg Business and German Politics in the Era of Inflation 1897-1927' which was short-listed for the History Today Book of the Year award. In 1998 came 'The Pity of War: Explaining World War One' and in 2001 he published 'The Cash Nexus: Money and Power in the Modern World, 1700-2000'.

Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University

Now, on the cusp of the 100th anniversary of its outbreak, we can see World War I as much more than just four years of industrialized slaughter.

In a speech last weekend, famed historian and blowhard Niall Ferguson , and Keynes himself. The speech was characteristically Fergusonian in the way it piled misconception upon misconception like a freeway crash. He began with a complete misreading of Keynes’s famous quote that “in the long run, we are all dead” — which is — and added that Keynes supposedly didn’t care about the future .

If we aim at the impoverishment of Central Europe, vengeance, I dare say, will not limp. Nothing can then delay for very long the forces of Reaction and the despairing convulsions of Revolution, before which the horrors of the later German war will fade into nothing, and which will destroy, whoever is victor, the civilisation and the progress of ourgeneration
In his Spectator article, Ferguson insisted that Keynes was entirely wrong about this. (That’s a controversial but not entirely unique view — reparations did not directly ruin Germany’s economy because they were mostly not paid, but the reaction against them did indeed dominate Germany’s politics and orient it toward vengeance.) The controversial thing is that Ferguson argued that Keynes only argued against the Treaty because he was gay for Germany. Literally! Towit:

Causes of World War I - Wikipedia

The article evaluates the degree to which the Second World War was responsible for the development of Europe since 1945

The two-part series examines Niall Ferguson's six principles of prosperity: Competition, Science, Modern Medicine, Democracy, Consumerism, and Work Ethic. The first part focuses on competition, science, and property, comparing the historical trajectories of the West, China (competition), the Middle East (science), and Latin America (property).

The two-part series examines Niall Ferguson's six principles of prosperity: Competition, Science, Modern Medicine, Democracy, Consumerism, and Work Ethic. The second part focuses on French medicine in Africa, global consumerism, exploring the role of Western goods in the fall of the Eastern Bloc, and the influence of Protestantism on both work and literacy worldwide.

Soviet Union in World War II - Wikipedia
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Christopher Hitchens: WW2, a War Worth Fighting

What resulted was a new attitude toward life and its expectations – a new world view, which saw the shift from the Greek ideal of the city-state to universal empires....

Revisionists say that World War II was unnecessary. They're wrong.

Authors like Victor Davis Hanson, John Lynn, John Keegan, Martin van Creveld, and Niall Ferguson explain in detail to what extent the Western way of war is superior to any other....

One of The New York Times Book Review’s 10 Best Books of the Year

Ferguson is a challenging thinker often taking counterfactuals as his starting point - the what if questions that lead you to look at issues from unexpected angles, his most famous being, what would have happened if Germany had won the First World War?

The best opinions, comments and analysis from The Telegraph.

Niall Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland in 1964 and was educated at the private Glasgow Academy. He graduated with a first from Magdalen College, Oxford in 1985. After spells studying in Hamburg, Berlin and Cambridge he returned to Oxford as a tutor in modern history in 1992. In 2000, he was appointed Professor of Political and Financial History. He left for America in 2002 taking up first a position at the Stern Business School and then at Harvard in 2004. Unusually for an historian, Professor Ferguson teaches at both Harvard University and the Harvard Business School where he is Professor of History and Business Administration respectively. He maintains links with Oxford and is also a Senior Fellow of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University

Home - Texas National Security Review

In 2008 his book and TV series, 'The Ascent of Money: A Financial History of the World' really raised his standing as a leading business thinker and he was awarded the International Emmy for Best Documentary. He believes chief executives can learn a great deal from history - about leadership and the analysis of past events. He has written biographies of banker Siegmund Warburg, the House of Rothschild and a life of Henry Kissinger.

The Texas National Security Review launches today

Prof. Niall Ferguson converses with Prof. Gabriel Gorodetsky about his recent publication of the diaries of Ivan Maisky, Soviet Ambassador to the UK from 1932–43. The extraordinary diaries offer unprecedented insight into events surrounding the Second World War. Maisky enjoyed unique access to key players in British public life—politicians, diplomats, press barons, intellectuals and royalty—as well as being privy to the impact of personal rivalries within the Kremlin on Soviet policy, providing an extraordinary view of two radically opposed worlds.

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