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Norte Chico civilization - The Full Wiki
Archaeologists have been aware of ancient sites in the areasince at least the 1940s; early work occurred at on the coast, a site identified as earlyas 1905,and later at Caral further inland. Peruvian archaeologists, led by, provided the firstextensive documentation of the civilization in the late 1990s, withwork at Caral.A 2001 paper in magazine, providing asurvey of the Caral research,and a 2004 article in ,describing fieldwork and across a widerarea,revealed Norte Chico's full significance and led to widespreadinterest.
Raymond, J. Scott
1981 The Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization: A Reconsideration of theEvidence. American Antiquity 46(4):806- 821.
The Norte Chico civilization ..
Moreover, these south coast trajectories were paralleled by a much wider shift to more permanent village settlement, epitomized by those sites on the central coast that Moseley first used to formulate the MFAC hypothesis: at the Yacht Club and Tank sites at Ancón, Chillón Valley (Lanning ; Patterson and Moseley ; Moseley ).
Ideological power would have rested on access to andthe .Evidence regarding Norte Chico religion is limited, butfascinating: an image of the , a leering, cartoon-like figure,with a hood and fangs, has been found on a dated to 2250 BC. The Staff God is a majordeity of later Andean cultures, and Winifred Creamer suggests thefind points to worship of common symbols of gods.Like much other research at Norte Chico, the nature andsignificance of the find has been disputed by otherresearchers.
Norte Chico civilization - New World Encyclopedia
In certain valleys of the north and central Peruvian coast, this integration of cotton farming and fishing forged those older complexities into a new agro-fishing techno-complex characterized by an intensification of social stratification and the emergence of monumental-scale sites at locations where cotton production could be concentrated on sufficiently large areas of agricultural land close to maritime resources, such as Huaca Prieta. Though there was increased reliance on food production entailing a rich suite of crops (Pearsall , 116) throughout the Preceramic, human subsistence on the coast was still largely based on marine foods.
In its latest formulation, Moseley () adopts into the MFAC hypothesis Carneiro’s () ideas for how competition for control of a circumscribed resource—here, land available for floodplain farming on an arid coast—could have provoked the emergence of hierarchical organization and civilization. We argue that by the Late Preceramic, a socio-economic interdependence between cotton agriculture and the co-ordination of nets made from that cotton had long since been sown in ground prepared through the much earlier inaugurations of sedentism, incipient horticulture, and the intensified exploitation of marine resources through net technologies in Middle Preceramic sites such as La Yerba.
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controversial ‘Maritime foundation of Andean civilization ..
Yet along the Pacific littoral south of Lima, marine resources did not, it seems, foment monumental civilization as envisaged by the MFAC hypothesis, for reasons that are instructive for the hypothesis itself. For this was not to any relative differences in the richness of marine resources, but rather to relative differences in the proximity of those terrestrial resources that determined society’s capacity to intensify exploitation of those maritime resources. The corollary of intensifying marine resource exploitation through increased specialization in fishing was, counter-intuitively, an increased demand for farmland: limited on the south coast by a geomorphology that separates extensive river floodplains from the sea, and perhaps also by river hydrologies adversely impacted by ENSO variance at this time.
the Maritime Foundation for Civilization Hypothesis.
By the final millennium of the Middle Preceramic, settled villages, such as La Yerba III, had been established all along the arid littoral of Peru at those places where adequate fresh water supplies were to be found. While their occupants still derived most of their subsistence from hunting and gathering, they had long been on a path of increasing social complexity. At La Yerba, this is evinced by more extensive trade or exchange networks, structured mortuary deposition connoting territoriality, increased hints of the importance of ritual, and an intensification of marine resource exploitation through increasingly sophisticated bast fiber net making: technologies that could be successfully promulgated within increasing populations. Intensification in productive systems is widely recognized as a route to social complexity (Morrison ), not least in the MFAC hypothesis (Moseley , ; Moseley and Feldman ). Moreover, the exploitation of a broadening spectrum of resources evident at La Yerba III also entailed some floodplain horticulture. These were people who already cultivated gourds, Phaseolus, and Canavalia beans, and for whom plant fiber production had immemorial and paramount importance for their fishing economies. They were, therefore, pre-adapted to a Cotton Revolution.
Refining the Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization: ..
The Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization were laid by innovations in plant fiber technologies. During the Middle Preceramic, the production of bast fibers twine and cordage for nets and lines was a fundamental component of the exploitation of marine resources. Fiber production must have taken up considerable time and effort—more so perhaps than any other single technological activity. Fishing nets were the products of enormous labor, used and maintained over months, or even years. Rights over these “valuable technical facilities” and their yield formed a delayed-return social system entailing ordered, binding “commitments and dependencies between people” (Woodburn , 433), thereby driving social complexity and the division of labor.
Foundations of Andean Civilization hypothesis ..
The earliest evidence for the use of G. barbadense cotton all comes from the north coast of Peru and Ecuador: whence the plant is thereby presumed to have been first cultivated (see above and Piperno ). Raw cotton remains associated with human settlement have been directly dated to ca. 5500 Cal at Real Alto, Ecuador (Damp and Pearsall ); ca. 6100 Cal at CA-09-71, Nanchoc Valley, north coast Peru (Dillehay , 313); and dated by association to 7800 Cal CA-09-77, Nanchoc Valley (Rossen , 187). Moreover, cotton artifacts are reported from Huaca Prieta, Chicama Valley, north coast Peru (Dillehay et al. ). Long associated with the Late Preceramic Period (Bird et al. ), earlier components of this site have recently been investigated yielding cotton artifacts, including yarn directly dated to 6700 Cal (Dillehay et al. , 56), and textiles, dated by association to ca. 6100 Cal (Splitstoser et al. ). These precocious associations between cotton and the earliest suggestions of planned monumentality on the coast of Peru at Huaca Prieta (Dillehay et al. ) are striking, precisely because further south, where increasing aridity preserves an ever-older organic record, it was not until the Late Preceramic beginning around 5000 Cal that cotton became, as Pearsall (, 116) summarizes, “widespread and abundant, reflecting a focus in local economy.” In a review of the archaeobotanical evidence from the coast of Peru, Pearsall (, Table 7.1) notes no cotton remains for the Middle Preceramic, whereas by the subsequent Late Preceramic (or ‘Cotton Preceramic), cotton is reported as present or abundant in every reported site (see also Cohen ; Engel , , 5; Moseley , ; Moseley and Feldman ; Splitstoser et al. ). Moreover, as noted above, there are powerful technical reasons to suppose that the manipulation of cotton fiber into yarn required the innovation of spinning: the oldest evidence of which—spindle whorls—also date to the Late Preceramic, for instance at the site of El Paraíso near Lima (Moseley ).
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